THE ORIGIN OF OUR INSTITUTION AND MEDIAEVAL MASONRY
by A. J. Chapman
Presented on 28th June, 1945
Published in Selected Papers, Vol.2
United Masters Lodge No. 167, Auckland, N. Z
It may be truthfully said that the beginnings of
Freemasonry are unknown, and that the actual history of Freemasonry, as we know
it today, can strictly be considered to commence only from that period which
gives us reliable information by means of Lodge records. The earliest minute
books relating to Scottish Masonry are dated 1599, and no Lodge records in
England are known to exist, even as late as the 17th century. There is only the
record of a single Lodge (Alnwick) between 1700 and the date of the formation of
the first Grand Lodge in 1717.
The object of this paper is to trace as far as possible the growth of
Freemasonry, from the earliest date at which the organisation is traceable, down
to the time when operative masonry began to develop into speculative in the 17th
and early 18th centuries, at the same time indicating as far as can be
ascertained, the conditions and customs of our early brethren.
That there have been masons from earliest times is evident. Such remains as have
been left to us from the period between Roman times and the Norman Conquest, in
the form of stone churches, crosses and other monuments, prove their existence,
but no record remains of the system of training, organisation if any, or the
working conditions of the very early craftsman. No doubt their numbers were
small, as wood and clay were the ordinary building materials in Britain at that
period, buildings erected in stone being comparatively rare. The art of building
in squared stones and mortar was almost certainly introduced by the Church, and
seems to have required the importation of craftsmen from the Continent. Bede
informs us that soon after the founding Wearmouth in 674, Benedict Biscop sought
in Gaul for masons to build him a stone church. St. Wilfrid also, who die din
709, is recorded as having brought masons form Rome to build his church.
After the Norman Conquest (1066, building activity greatly increased; kings,
nobles and churchmen were very active supporters of the building industry, and
the probability is that Freemasonry had its first beginnings about that time,
and that some form of organisation existed among the increasing number of
workmen. By the 13th century large and elaborate buildings were being erected,
and from this time onward we are able to trace Freemasonry as a continuous
institution. We need not look for an exactly similar institution, as in the
passage of time, changes must inevitably take place.
The long series of some 1500 building accounts kept in the Public Records
Office, relate to every reign from Henry III (1216-1272) to the 17th century.
From these building records it is possible to gain much information which
enables us to draw a fairly accurate picture of the early building industry.
The earliest mention of a Lodge, as far as can be ascertained, is in a record of
Vale Royal Abbey, 1278, but no doubt Lodges existed at a much earlier period.
Primarily the Lodge was a workshop and store, and a necessity to every building
of any size. It probably served several other purposes. A working day was very
long and some meals were of necessity partaken. It was also a custom to take a
siesta at mid-day, and they also had their "drinking times", and as no doubt the
Lodge would be used for these purposes, it would all tend to develop a social
aspect.
From old building accounts for materials for building the Lodge, the picture we
get is of a closed wooden shed roofed with boards, straw, reeds, or tiles, and
normally accommodating from twelve to twenty masons. There are instances on
record of two or more Lodges being erected at one building at the same time, as
at Vale Royal Abbey (1279) probably three, at York Minster (1412) two, and
Westminster (1413) two. Lodges were also often established at the quarries,
sometimes far distant from the building. It is not until we reach the
seventeenth century that the word "Lodge" sometimes came to be used in the sense
of a body of masons associated with a particular town instead of with a
particular building.
The winter working hours were from daylight to dark, with one hour for dinner,
and fifteen minutes for "drinking" in the afternoon. The summer hours were from
sunrise to thirty minutes before sunset, with one hour for dinner, thirty
minutes for "sleeping" and thirty minutes for "drinking." The average working
hours would thus be bout 8 3/4 in the winter months, and 12 1/4 in the summer
months. One recorded complaint is that "divers artificers and labourers waste
much part of the day in late coming unto their work, early departing therefrom,
long sitting at their breakfast, dinner and noon meat, and long time sleeping
after noon."Mediaeval wage rates are generally expressed as so much per day,
week or fortnight, and occasionally as much as per annum. There appears to be a
differentiation in the daily rate of pay as the days lengthened. Thus the London
regulations of 1275-1296 fixed the masons' daily wage ad 3d in winter, 4d in
spring and autumn, and 5d in summer. Living accommodation, is some cases at
least, was provided but whether within or outside the Lodge is not clear.
Occasionally an allowance of beer was made. Taking a general average of the
daily rate of pay, we find a gradual upward tendency, although at times
fluctuating, from 4d per day in the 13th century, to 2/4 per day at the
beginning of the 18th century. The lost of the ancient mason was not always
happy as the gradual increase in wages was often quite disproportionate to the
greatly increased cost of food, as in the decade 1613-1722 when food prices were
five times the 1510 level, and wages hardly doubled. From the 13th century
various Statutes of Labourers had endeavoured to fix wages, but a new Statute of
Artifices in 1563 provided that masons' wages were to be determined with
reference to the price of food thus, in theory at least, embodying one of the
most important points in the Regius and Cooke Mss. that of fixing wages
according to the cost of victuals. From official records we can arrive at an
approximate estimate of the cost of some of the work done by our ancient
brethren. There were in England and Wales between 900 and 1000 Monasteries,
Colleges, Churches and hospitals, many of stupendous proportions. To these must
be added thousands of parish churches, castles, town walls, municipal buildings
and bridges. Eton College in one year (1443-44) required over 1,000,000 bricks.
Vale Royal Abbey (1278-80) required 15 quarrymen and 31 carters. Beaumaris
Castle at one period employed 400 masons, 30 smiths and carpenters. The building
of Vale Royal Abbey cost in three years over £1,500 in the currency of that day,
equal to about £126,000 in normal times in this part of the world and exclusive
of stone and timber which seem to have been supplied from Royal quarries and
forests. Caernarvon, Conway and Harlech Castles cost in one year (1291) over
£14,000, equivalent to well over £1,000,000 today (1945). When we remember that
the erection of many of these buildings occupied a great number of years, some
idea of their ultimate cost may be gained.
Owing to the difficulty in procuring sufficient local labour, the system of
impressments was often used, a power similar to the rights of purveyance to
obtain timber, etc. for building, or to the press-gang to obtain recruits.
Apparently opposition was encountered or expected, as power was given to
imprison those who resisted. (Evidently they had their man-power problems in
those days). For this reason, and also that the mason's trade was usually
carried on outside cities and towns, a craft gild was presumably not a suitable
organisation to control the industry. While in the later Middle Ages the
authorities sought to control trade and industry usually through Municipal Craft
Guilds, it must be noted that nowhere except in London is there any record of a
masons' craft ordinance before the 16th century. It is however, only reasonable
to suppose that some organisation existed to control the masons' activities and
we can only assume that they held some form of Assembly as described in the
Regius and Cooke Mss. Be that as it may, we have evidence of masons' assemblies
in Statutes of 1360 and 1425, which attempted to prohibit congregations or
confederations of masons, but the probability is that these were in the nature
of illegal assemblies for the purpose of attempting to gain increased wages.
Leaving for the moment the matter of organisation, we should briefly consider
the different grades among masons. Broadly these may be divided into three,
viz., journeymen masons, apprentices and master masons. The working mason or
journeyman was essentially a wage earner, with relatively little prospect of
attaining to a higher position, although it was possible to rise from the ranks
to become a foreman or overseer, called an apparator or warden, or to secure
what may be termed a staff appointment as master mason.
Just how the masons received their training is not clear. No doubt fathers
taught their sons, while others had servants or labourers who later became
masons. Another source was from the quarries where much preparatory work was
often done and the more expert quarries would attain sufficient skill to make
the transition possible. Presumably there was no systematic method of training,
which points to the absence of any strong organisation among masons. Normally,
on important works a master mason was in charge, sometimes called master of the
fabric. His chief business was to hire and dismiss workmen, determine the
quantities of materials, make the plans, and generally supervise the
architectural details. The office of master mason was one of dignity as a sign
of which he received annually, gloves, a robe, or a sum of money additional to
his daily maintenance. There is numerous mention of plans and designs prepared
by master masons. They drew their "plot, platt, portraiture, and uprights" and
part of a Lodge equipment comprised tracing boards for the master mason. In some
cases a tracing or tracery house was provided. The master mason continued to act
as architect through the Middle Ages up to the 17th century, at which period the
old and the new system of architecture as a separate profession existed side by
side.
The apprenticeship system seems to be a late development among masons.
Previously it was very limited, as only masters appear to have had apprentices,
and as usual there was only one master mason on each job, the number of
apprentices would thus be relatively small. There is no record of a mason's
apprentice in any building record prior to 1350, and few between 1350 and 1450.
The instruction given was no doubt in that part of the work which only such as a
master mason would known, and they would also doubtless be bound by their
indentures to keep their master's secrets. The first indication of any ceremony
attached to apprenticeship seems to be in the Apprentice Charge appearing in
certain versions of the Ms. Constitutions, dating from the second half of the
17th century, and while operative in character, there is no evidence that it was
ever used among operative masons.
Direct evidence n connection with masons' craft guilds in the 14th and 15th
century is very slight. Such guilds have been assumed to exist because guilds
existed in other trades. This lack of organisation was no doubt due to the
necessity of moving from place to place, which would preclude their having such
associations as those by which other trades were controlled, and for which a
local habitation was necessary. It is not clear that any sharp line of
distinction existed between so-called Cathedral Masons, and those employed in
towns, sometimes called Gild Masons. Records show that masons were drawn from
all classes of work and from all districts as required. Some trace of
organisation among journeymen masons is found in London records of 1306, when
certain newcomers were threatened with a beating if they worked for lower wages
than the city craftsmen.
Municipal records of 1356 informs us of disputes between hewers and layers, and
the statement that "the trade had not been regulated in due manner by the folk
of the trade" implies that there was no craft guild operating at that time.
The first definite reference to an organisation occurs in 1376, so that the
guild must have been established at some time between 1356 and 1376. In 1389
William Hancock, mason, bequeathed twelve pence to the fraternity of Masons,
London, and in 1419 Walter Walton gave a legacy of 6/8 to the fraternity and his
livery coat to a brother mason.
It is doubtful whether this organisation ever was a genuine democratic craft
guild, or that a working mason could aspire to become a member of it. It is
possible that it was mainly composed of building contractors. Gulds practically
came to an end in 1547 when they were suppressed but we have evidence of an
operative Lodge at Alwick in 1598.
Any organisation which existed among our early brethren was probably due to the
existence of certain customs and traditions, a knowledge of which had been
handed down to us in the form of manuscripts. These rules and traditions were
preserved and from time to time written down and further copies made. There are
no less than one hundred known versions of the Manuscript Constitutions of
Masonry, and of these the importance of the Regius and Cooke Manuscripts (two of
the oldest known versions, dated approximately 1390 and 1420 respectively)
cannot be over-estimated as a link uniting ancient operative masonry with modern
speculative masonry. These early manuscripts inform us that 14th and 15th
century masons were subject to recognised customs, embodied in so-called
"charges". Almost without exception they each contain the same two elements,
viz., the legend of history of the building industry and the regulations or
charges to be obeyed by master, fellows and apprentices. In the 16th and 17th
centuries these legends and customs were incorporated in successive versions of
the Manuscript Constitutions of Masonry, and modern "Speculative Masonry" is the
outcome of this. When the Grand Lodge of England was formed in 1717 there appear
to have been copies of the Mss. In possession of several Lodges, and some of
these were no doubt used by Dr. Anderson in compiling the first Book of
Constitutions (1723).
We do not know to what extent the early operatives possessed a ritual, but all
the evidence obtainable from the Ancient Charges, and from what knowledge we
have of the Operatives, leads to the conclusion that our present system, both in
practice and symbol, is the successor or operative masonry.
It is difficult to conclude a paper of this nature without traversing the period
of the merging of operative into speculative masonry. It is, however, a big
subject, and time will not permit.
And now a word in connection with the origin of the word "Freemason". Opinions
differ, but it seems likely that the freemason was so called on account of the
material in which he worked. While Mediaeval builders used a great variety of
stones ranging from the hardest of granite to perishable chalk, the building
stones most widely used were he various limestone which were fond extensively in
a broad belt stretching from the Yorkshire coast to Dorset, and commonly called
free-stone. Free-stone is the name given to any fine grained sandstone or
limestone that can be easily worked or carved in any direction, and the mason
who worked this stone was often known as a freestone mason. The earliest known
reference to a freemason, or freestone mason, is contained in the London Assize
of Wages, 1212. In 1361 forty "freestone masons" were ordered to work at Windsor
Castle. In 1396 the Archbishop of Canterbury was authorised to impress
twenty-four "freemasons", and it would appear that the term "freestone mason"
became abbreviated to "freemason" just as the words "Freemason" and "Mason" are
often used to mean the same thing.
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